Thailand’s next constitution, which is born of authoritarianism, will only be detrimental to the citizenry and the future of the kingdom.
As part of its 20-year national strategy, the military-led government has said it aims to foster integrity among public servants well into the future. To concerns expressed about a coup-based regime dictating principles for the future, Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha has offered reassurances that the intention is only to provide broad guidelines by which succeeding administrations can govern fairly and efficiently.
He envisions a “value-added,” environmentally friendly, agriculture- and industry-based economy and more economic independence for citizens. He sees Thailand emerging from its middle-income trap where skilled labor is lacking, the population is aging and the inequality gap is widening.
It remains unclear how such noble goals are to be achieved when not even the might of the military can put a dent in Thailand’s rampant corruption. Our office-holders, elected representatives and civil servants struggle against the confines of ethical behavior and ignore the solemn oath they take before the king to serve the public honestly.
Meanwhile Defense Minister Prawit Wongsuwan has offered his own, franker assessment of the situation. The country cannot move forward without security, the general-turned-politician said. Clearly security and stability are inseparable in the ruling junta’s view, with the one justifying the other. And to ensure stability, there can be no criticism of the government’s actions or policies.
When it seized power two years ago, the junta garnered widespread public support by depicting itself as a transitional force, easing the country from anarchy to democracy. And, if the rules had to be harsh in the interim, at least the citizenry and the economy would enjoy a measure of stability.
In the draft constitution the junta is seeking a five-year “grace period”, during which the 250 senators it appoints will have the same power as 500 elected representatives, including the authority to choose the next prime minister. This is the choice coming before voters in the Aug. 7 referendum. We can reject the scheme, but of course that means the junta will remain in charge until a replacement constitution is drafted.
The junta would prefer that the majority accept the draft charter as is, so that the electoral mandate can eventually be returned to the people. It’s still not an appealing choice, given that the 250 appointed senators would be enough to cement the military’s place in national politics for some time to come, ensuring that its policies are upheld regardless of subsequent elections.
By international norms, the rejection of a referendum choice such as this would force the nation’s leader to resign his post. Should Thai voters spurn the draft charter, they needn’t hold their breaths in anticipation of this occurring.
The choice shouldn’t be limited to two such awful options. To make the choice more palatable, the junta should first acknowledge the reality that, by staging a coup, it was already and automatically illegitimate. To overcome this and gain the trust of citizens and the international community, it needs to rein back its repressive measures.
The way it has curtailed discussion on the draft constitution is alarming. On the contrary, the generals should be creating an atmosphere conducive to unrestricted debate, one that embraces voices from both sides of the political divide.
Second, the military must abandon all efforts to prolong its hold on power and that of the established elite. If that grip on power is to be challenged in reasoned, nonviolent public debate, then so be it. This is one of the fundamentals of democracy.
In these ways the junta can be redeemed and will deserve the seal of legitimacy it seems to already claim. Thailand needs a constitution untainted by authoritarianism.
(Asia News Network/The Nation)
Editorial Desk
As part of its 20-year national strategy, the military-led government has said it aims to foster integrity among public servants well into the future. To concerns expressed about a coup-based regime dictating principles for the future, Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha has offered reassurances that the intention is only to provide broad guidelines by which succeeding administrations can govern fairly and efficiently.
He envisions a “value-added,” environmentally friendly, agriculture- and industry-based economy and more economic independence for citizens. He sees Thailand emerging from its middle-income trap where skilled labor is lacking, the population is aging and the inequality gap is widening.
It remains unclear how such noble goals are to be achieved when not even the might of the military can put a dent in Thailand’s rampant corruption. Our office-holders, elected representatives and civil servants struggle against the confines of ethical behavior and ignore the solemn oath they take before the king to serve the public honestly.
Meanwhile Defense Minister Prawit Wongsuwan has offered his own, franker assessment of the situation. The country cannot move forward without security, the general-turned-politician said. Clearly security and stability are inseparable in the ruling junta’s view, with the one justifying the other. And to ensure stability, there can be no criticism of the government’s actions or policies.
When it seized power two years ago, the junta garnered widespread public support by depicting itself as a transitional force, easing the country from anarchy to democracy. And, if the rules had to be harsh in the interim, at least the citizenry and the economy would enjoy a measure of stability.
In the draft constitution the junta is seeking a five-year “grace period”, during which the 250 senators it appoints will have the same power as 500 elected representatives, including the authority to choose the next prime minister. This is the choice coming before voters in the Aug. 7 referendum. We can reject the scheme, but of course that means the junta will remain in charge until a replacement constitution is drafted.
The junta would prefer that the majority accept the draft charter as is, so that the electoral mandate can eventually be returned to the people. It’s still not an appealing choice, given that the 250 appointed senators would be enough to cement the military’s place in national politics for some time to come, ensuring that its policies are upheld regardless of subsequent elections.
By international norms, the rejection of a referendum choice such as this would force the nation’s leader to resign his post. Should Thai voters spurn the draft charter, they needn’t hold their breaths in anticipation of this occurring.
The choice shouldn’t be limited to two such awful options. To make the choice more palatable, the junta should first acknowledge the reality that, by staging a coup, it was already and automatically illegitimate. To overcome this and gain the trust of citizens and the international community, it needs to rein back its repressive measures.
The way it has curtailed discussion on the draft constitution is alarming. On the contrary, the generals should be creating an atmosphere conducive to unrestricted debate, one that embraces voices from both sides of the political divide.
Second, the military must abandon all efforts to prolong its hold on power and that of the established elite. If that grip on power is to be challenged in reasoned, nonviolent public debate, then so be it. This is one of the fundamentals of democracy.
In these ways the junta can be redeemed and will deserve the seal of legitimacy it seems to already claim. Thailand needs a constitution untainted by authoritarianism.
(Asia News Network/The Nation)
Editorial Desk