We cheered on National Assembly Speaker Chung Eui-hwa last November when he singled out 42 lawmakers and asked them to resign from posts they held outside the parliament.

Chung’s action was in line with the parliament’s self-reform proposals aimed at cutting lawmakers’ powers and privileges. The proposals ― propelled by public pressure ― included restricting the immunity that forbids detention of lawmakers while the parliament is in session, halting lawmakers’ pay when the parliament is idle and toughening rules on fundraising through book-publishing events.

Out of the 42 lawmakers, nine were holding concurrent posts in clear violation of the National Assembly Act, which, in principle, bans lawmakers from holding concurrent positions unless otherwise stipulated. The posts held by the remaining 33 lawmakers did not infringe upon the law, but the speaker included them on the list due to public opposition to the rampant practice. 

All the nine lawmakers who held concurrent posts in violation of the law have complied with the speaker’s directive. But many of the other lawmakers have yet to give up their outside posts. Some say their “resignation process” was underway, but it is apparent that they are taking a “wait-and-see” approach, perhaps hoping the public and media attention will die down.

There are many reasons why lawmakers seek outside posts. Most of all, many organizations have a large number of members and local offices, which is a great asset for politicians who need votes and campaign funds in elections. In turn, the organizations benefit from the lawmakers’ power and influence.
 
This is not a problem to be taken lightly, but there is graver problem that should be addressed regarding lawmakers who hold concurrent offices ― some double as Cabinet ministers.

The National Assembly Act allows sitting lawmakers to serve as prime minister or as other members of the Cabinet. This has allowed senior ruling party lawmakers like Choi Kyung-hwan and Hwang Woo-yeo to hold the post of deputy prime minister for the economy and deputy prime minister for social affairs, respectively. Choi doubles as the finance minister and Hwang as the education minister.

Soon they will be joined by another heavyweight ruling party lawmaker ― prime minister-designate Lee Wan-koo ― if his nomination is approved by the National Assembly, which is very likely.

That would mean the administration’s top three posts will be occupied by sitting lawmakers from the ruling party.

This raises a fundamental question. Korea basically has a presidential system in which the three branches of government ― executive, legislative and judiciary ― are supposed to uphold the principle of separation of powers and checks and balances.

The basic tenets of a democratic government are threatened if lawmakers handpicked by the president sit on the Cabinet and are freely allowed to return to the parliament after their stint. This turns the executive and legislative branches into nothing but “a league of their own.”

The Assembly should amend the law to forbid lawmakers from taking Cabinet posts and minimize the number of concurrent offices lawmakers are allowed to hold. Before that, the prime minister-nominee could set a good precedent by renouncing his parliamentary seat if his nomination is ratified.